Wednesday 2 April 2014

Is Ghana's FLEGT VPA grinding to a halt and failing to achieve improvements in forest governance?: Concluding part

Hello all, I have been silent for a while. I was caught up in some field work abroad. I bring to you the concluding part of my paper on the title "Is Ghana's VPA grinding to a halt and failing to achieve improvements in forest governance?". Today I will discuss the final challenge and conclude by making some recommendations on the way forward. I will also either attach or provide a link to the pdf version of the document online. Please acknowledge use of any information in the document and cite as follows: Ansah, K.B. (2013) Is Ghana's FLEGT VPA grinding to a halt and failing to achieve improvement in forest governance?, Civic Response, Ghana

So lets roll it to the meat of the matter!

2.5      Non-revision of stumpage fees

Stumpage fees represent the price paid by timber companies to government for the harvesting rights of trees. The Timber Resources Management (Amendment) Regulation (2003), LI 1721 specifies that holders of timber rights permits shall pay stumpage fees which shall be reviewed to reflect market demand and inventory levels of timber species’. It was recommended that the review should take place quarterly. However, since 2004 the stumpage fees[1] for timber exploitation have not been reviewed, contrary to the requirements in the legal provisions. FWG alerted the Forestry Commission to the fact that there had been no review for nearly 10 years. In response, the Forestry Commission mentioned that a review was supposed to happen in 2011,[2] but there has still been no action. The non-revision of stumpage fees leads to loss of revenue for the government, traditional authorities and district assemblies. Forest communities and the public are thus heavily subsidizing timber extraction and the industry. Documents sourced (internally)[3] from the Forestry Commission in June 2011 indicate that the prices being charged currently are ridiculously low. According to the document, the average proposed stumpage fee is in excess of about 250% per species compared to the current price. There is therefore currently a high social cost related to timber exploitation in terms of lost revenue to stakeholders. For example in the case of Milicia excelsa/regia (local name Odum), its proposed revised fee is Ghc 94.49 (US $187.09) per cubic meter, compared with the current fee of Ghc 25.16 (US $49.82) per cubic metre.[4] Coupled with the sheer increase in the number of timber permits (particularly salvage permits), the government, traditional authorities and forest communities are losing millions of dollars. Attempts to push the revision through are blocked by the industry and the Forestry Commission. In 2005, Forest Watch Ghana (FWG)[5] conducted a study that revealed that as much as US $50 million had been  lost from uncollected stumpage and irregularities in the permits regime.[6] It is safe to conclude that traditional authorities (as custodians of the forest resources in trust for the people) and forest communities are losing millions of dollars in timber revenue as a result of the non-revision and therefore need to put pressure on the government to make these changes immediately.

3         Conclusions and Recommendations

While there has been progress in the deployment of the technical specifications of the VPA (Wood Tracking System, legality verification protocols and manuals), the governance reform which is crucial to the VPA is moving very slowly. In addition there has been much less multi-stakeholder consultation in the implementation phase than there was in the negotiation phase. So far most of the policy and legislative reforms undertaken have happened with little local participation or meaningful consultation, contrary to the government’s claims.[7] The contents of the policies on the domestic timber market and timber procurement give us less cause to be optimistic about the reforms envisaged in the VPA because they give less attention to the governance objectives[8] in the VPA. Ensuring that the concerns and recommendations of forest communities are heard and incorporated in the new policy and legislation will be a crucial part of bringing about the reform in governance that the sector needs. The processes at the national level have not been sufficiently coherent and clear, and – discouragingly – have often lacked the political will to fully take on the difficult reform issues regarding land and tree tenure. There is an increasing tendency to maintain the status quo, even around the processes that are taking place, and the CSOs have not galvanized strongly enough around the issues. This is due partly to the changed dynamics in the CSOs concerned. In addition, the government appears to lack the political will to really shift the dynamics of power and give more control to communities, as was hoped with the VPA. The government should stop the rhetoric and actually demonstrate its commitment to governance reform in the sector. Along with the new Forest and Wildlife Policy that has been passed, the new Consolidated Forest Act should be revisited and concluded. It should clarify and strengthen the tenure of forest communities to their forest resources (especially in off-reserve areas in granting economic rights to planters or farmers who cultivatee naturally occurring trees). The government should also have full disclosure on all permits in the sector; it should review stumpage fees, and work to convert all leases into TUCs within the year. There is urgency for the WTS to be implemented at a national scale and for the other aspects of the LAS to be in place. Any delay in issuing FLEGT licences will only serve to strengthen the current distortions, inequities and unfairness in the system. There is need for political will from government to reform the land/tree tenure regimes through a consultative and multi-stakeholder process.
Parliament should exercise its supervisory responsibility over government and ensure that all permits granted for timber rights pass parliamentary ratification. This is to ensure accountability by clamping down on administrative abuses of the permits regime, ensure that revenues due to the government actually accrue to it, and that all the stakeholders constitutionally mandated to receive a share of the revenue actually receive proper compensation for the lost of the resource.
CSOs should reorganize and re-strategize as a matter of urgency to campaign vigorously for coherent forest governance reforms focusing on land and tree tenure reforms. CSOs must continue to ensure that the permits regime in Ghana fully complies with the laws and regulations agreed in the VPA. In this regard, there is a need for sustained action on the campaign for the conversion of all old leases to TUCs. There should be a review of stumpage fees, following which the correct fees should be collected by the government. There is a need for improved efficiency in the use of the district assemblies’ and traditional authorities’ share of the revenue accruing from timber exploitation. Any attempt to amend sections of the legality definition of the VPA to include ‘special permits’ should be rejected.[9] It will only add to the problems with the permits regime and provide opportunities for abuse and corruption, as is the case with salvage permits.
Lastly, the EU and donors to the forestry sector have a responsibility to put pressure on the government to ensure that the reforms to improve forest governance are in place and working. Thus the EU and other donors need to tie the funding of the sector firmly to the government’s performance in achieving governance targets, and use the performance to trigger the release of funds.
There is every reason to be optimistic that the Ghana VPA is capable of achieving its desired objectives of improving governance in the forest sector, transparency and accountability, as long as all stakeholders rise to the challenge. All hands must be on deck to make this change happen.


Is Ghana's VPA grinding to a halt and failing to achieve improvements in forest governance?

[1] Regulation 21 (3) of the Timber Resources (Amendment) Regulation, LI 1721 states that the stumpage fee represents royalties which provide a basic return to the landowner and contributes to the cost of forest management and timber regulation.
[2] FWG has sourced a document from within the Forestry Commission that indicates a proposal for revision of the stumpage fees with old and new figures. The understanding is that there is strong lobbying from powerful lobby groups’ within the sector to prevent these proposals from being approved and implemented.
[3] FWG sourced a document through its allies within the Forestry Commission on the proposal of a review of the stumpage fees.
[4] Using exchange rate of Ghc1 to US $1.98 at the time of writing.
[5] Forest Watch Ghana is a civil society coalition formed in 2004 which campaigns for fair access to forest resources especially for communities, fair benefit-sharing of forest revenues especially for communities and participatory forest governance. FWG was actively involved in Ghana’s negotiation of the VPA and served on the Steering/Implementation Committee and several working groups. It is also involved in monitoring and engaging other forest sector initiatives such as REDD+. Its membership is made up of CBOs, NGOs and individuals and currently stands at around 35.
[6] FWG through the Forest Governance Learning Group published a study (including featuring in the dailies) which highlighted irregularities in the permits regime in Ghana and its impact on the forest sector. Visit the website of IIED for more information under its Forest Governance Learning Group on http://www.iied.org/forest-governance-learning-group
[7] In the 4th memorandum (13–16 March 2013) of the JMRM, the government asserts that the domestic market policy was subjected to a wider consultation. See www.fcghana.org
[8] The VPA document indicates policy and legal reforms with clear governance objectives bordering on rural livelihoods, rights and sustainable cultural and industrial development. Ghana VPA Annex II, page 58.
[9] This proposal is contained in the 5th JMRM memorandum (28–31 May 2013). Available at www.fcghana.org

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